The urban sprawl of Bangkok Metropolitan Region and its impacts
Witiya Pittungnapoo
Deputy Dean for Academic Affairs
Faculty of Architecture, Naresuan University
(Ph.D. in Town and Regional Planning, the University of Sheffield)
Abstract
Over the past century, there has been an increasing interest in patterns of urbanisation in developing countries. With a growing awareness of the inadequacies of the Western models of urban transition, numerous studies have been generated in order to explain peculiar features of urbanisation processes in developing regions. Bangkok is a unique case in which the fabric of the city is patterned by both waterways and roadways. Unfortunately, the unplanned urbanisation of Bangkok has grown against its water-based morphology. The urban sprawl of Bangkok Metropolitan Region (BMR) has consistently expanded into its peripheral areas, which are geographically dominated by the water-based settlements. This phenomenon has brought about divergent changes in this region, such as the convergence of agricultural and non-agricultural land uses, and other conflicts between traditional settlements and the new land-based morphology. However, there has been insufficient knowledge and little attention has been paid to the impacts of urbanisation, particularly on the water-based settlements which have represented the cultural uniqueness of Thailand. Case studies have been selected as the research methodology and two traditional water-based settlements were chosen in order to carry out this study. The first is Klong Bangkok Noi settlement which is located in an urban area of Bangkok. The second is Klong Om settlement which is located in a peripheral area of Bangkok. The study reveals that urbanisation has undermined the nature of water-based settlements in several ways. In the initial stage of the urbanisation, roads have created the hybrids between water-based and road-based characteristics which are prominent impacts of this process in the water-based settlement in BMR. However, in the greater stage of urbanisation these hybrids are just temporary and have become less obvious in BMA. Evidence from comparison suggests that the greater the urbanisation, the less obvious are the water-based characteristics.
Introduction
Recently, concerns about urbanisation in the developing world have been raised by several relevant bodies. The urban population in developing countries grows and is anticipated to grow faster than in developed countries. In 2015, almost all of the population in developing countries is predicted to live in urban areas (UNFPA, 2007). Urbanisation in developing countries has shown some characteristics developed countries have never experienced (Cohen, 2004). Dilution of urban and rural distinctions is prominent pattern of this process, particularly in megacities in Southeast Asia (McGee, 1995). This is not exemption to Bangkok which has expanded itself from BMA (Bangkok Metropolitan Area) to BMR (Bangkok Metropolitan Region) including the five adjacent provinces, and recently BMR has continued growing to be BEMR (Bangkok Extended Metropolitan Region). The urban sprawl of BMR has a similar pattern to other EMRs in Southeast Asia as reviewed by McGee (1995) and other observers in terms of convergence between rural and urban land uses as well as intermingling between agricultural and non-agricultural activities happening along the corridors of roads. However, Bangkok is a peculiar city whose growth is hybrid (Thadaniti, 2004). The city has been patterned with traditional and modern fabrics; curvilinear settlements along waterways have been intruded into by land-based developments along roadways. Nevertheless, there has been insufficient knowledge of these contradictions; especially, impacts of the rampant urbanisation of Bangkok on water-based settlements which has been less concerned. Therefore, it is a crucial opportunity to explore impacts of this process on changes in this kind of settlements which are cultural habitations in Thailand.
Methodology
A comparative case study is employed as a research strategy to explore impacts of urbanisation on changes in water-based settlements. Two water-based settlements in different areas of Bangkok are chosen to study in order to achieve a more comprehensive understanding of this process in BMA and BMR. Klong Bangkok Noi settlement located in an urban area of Bangkok is the first case, and Klong Om settlement located in a suburban area of Bangkok is another case. Both study areas are interesting in themselves, as they are traditional settlements and have recently engaged with the process of urbanisation at different stages. There are a few rationales for selecting these two study areas. Firstly, both study sites not only are traditional settlements located on the old oxbows of the Chao Phraya River which is the main river in Thailand.
Secondly, these settlements have originated from agrarian communities and the livelihoods of local people are chiefly related to fruit growing; although this is hardly seen in Klong Bangkok Noi settlement. Thirdly, there are some physical changes in both study areas. Klong Bangkok Noi case has been changed from a water-based settlement into a built-up or land-based settlement, and the waterfronts are dominated by the public embankment. The Klong Om study area has also been intruded by the expansion of housing estates and the extension of roads, resulting in a reduction of agricultural lands: such as fruit orchards and paddy fields.
Fourthly, both study areas hold unique water-based festivals: Chak Phra ceremony is organised on the Klong Bangkok Noi and Tak Baht Phra Roi ceremony is held on the Klong Om. These similarities and differences between the two settlements challenge this research to draw a broad understanding of the impacts of the urbanisation from various aspects. More specifically, a comparison between the two areas offers a better explanation of this phenomenon in terms of different stages of Bangkok's urbanisation pathway.
To increase validity and reliability of the research, data in both study areas were collected through different sources of data including written documents, observations, and interviews that were involved with various groups of residents. Houses located along canals in both settlements are targets to explore dual characteristics in water-based communities. However, some residents living along roads, in orchard areas, around paddy fields were talked to; and houses in these areas were also included in observations. During the fieldwork, a few methods of observation were used depending on different situations. First, site observations were made using three different forms of transport; on foot, by boat, and by car, in order to investigate environmental changes; especially in accesses in the study areas. Second, daily observations were made during weekdays and weekends in public spaces along the roads and canals, such as open spaces near temples, parking lots, food stalls, the area along the embankment, and public waterfront pavilions, to observe daily chores, livelihoods, the lifestyles of people, and their relationships with canals. Third, several water-based festivals were observed in order to explore changes in cultural aspects and to see the way that people use waterfront spaces to participate in these special events. The festivals observed are Loy Krathong held annually on the full moon night in November in both areas, Chak Phra held annually in November a day after Loy Krathong festival in Klong Bangkok Noi, and Tak Baht Phra Loi held every November on Klong Om. All different ways of observations in both study areas were recorded by note taking and photography, and by video.
Regard with interviewing, the open-ended questioning approaches were chosen as a free-flowing conversation taking between informants and the researcher to encourage the respondents to express their viewpoints and share their experiences of changes in their own community. This method is used to obtain the individual's subjective perspectives when particular events cannot be observed firsthand, perhaps because they occurred in the past. Furthermore, it enables more subjects to be studied in details than is possible by observation; therefore, interviewing was the main device for collecting data in this study. Three different groups of informants which are local residents, local leaders, and local officers, were interviewed in order to achieve a comprehensive understanding of changes from different points of views and to increase a validity of this study. Then findings from all methods were justified and changes in each study area were later compared and contrasted.
Results
This research has agreed with McGee, T. G. (1995) that the urban sprawl of BMR has blurred characteristics between urban and rural areas. The findings from comparison suggest that roads have been involved through all stages of urbanisation. This study has agreed with Noparatnaraporn (2003) that roads are key factors leading to physical changes in rural communities and contradiction between roadway and waterway developments become obvious as agreed with Thadaniti (2004). More specifically, the process of urbanisation brings about hybrid characteristics in three main aspects.
Environmentally, creation of hybrid landscapes is the prominent impact of urbanisation in the water-based settlements in suburban area of Bangkok. As agreed with McGee (1995) urbanisation in BMR has brought about the blend between agricultural and non-agricultural land use and activities, like other EMRs. But more specifically, roads have created the hybrids between the traditional and urban fabrics in several ways which become obvious in Klong Om study area. For example, the mixture of agricultural and non-agricultural areas, the intermingling in settlements between waterways and roadways, hybrid houses which uses water-based and road-based approaches, and mixed forms of traveling by either canoe or car.
Hybrid domestic spaces are outstanding impacts of the urbanisation on environmental changes in the Klong Om study area. The dual characteristics between water-based and road-based housing styles are illustrations which can be seen through several ways.
Firstly, water-based houses have converted to land-based housing styles, as supported by the study of Jumsai (1996). For example, changes from stilted houses to ground-based houses, changes from wooden tensile structures to concrete houses, and changes from open plan to enclosed spaces. Secondly, vernacular houses without boundary have been enclosed by walls. Interestingly, certain houses along Klong Om were enclosed by walls at the side which become connected by new roads apart from the waterfronts. Finally and more specifically, housing accesses have shifted from canals to roads. These can be determined from a new attachment of garage and parking spaces while waterfront pavilions have become just secondary approaches.
Economically, roads have created a hybrid form of the informal activities which can be observed in BMR. To illustrate, the floating shops in canoes and grocery shops on motorbikes on roads.
Socio-culturally, roads have created hybrid cultures which can be observed in Klong Om study area from particular ways. For example, hybrids between water-based and road-based ways of living, and mutation of water-based to road-based. The unique way that people row canoes to participate in water-based festivals has been declined, while a few aquatic festivals which were once organised on canals are partly shifted to land activities. Songkran, Loy Krathong festivals and Tak Baht Phra Roi ceremony are examples of hybrid forms of traditions which can be observed on Klong Om.
Interestingly, from comparisons, this research has shown that the above hybrids are the early manifestations of incipient urbanisation on the water-based settlement which become more visible in BMR. However, these hybrid characteristics have become less obvious at the later stages of urbanisation which can be observed BMA in several ways. Environmentally, agricultural land is swallowed up by built-up areas, water-based housing characteristics are dominated by road-based buildings, canal and canoe are no longer used, and the water-based atmosphere has been destroyed. Economically, road-based activities have weakened the water-based activities. Socio-culturally, an increase in the influence of roads and in the popularity of automobiles has destroyed the relationships between residents on either side of the canal and their ties with canals. Moreover, the unique way of organising and participating in the water-based festivals no longer exist. These declines of water-based characteristics have become more obvious in the urban area of Bangkok where the water-based morphology has been undermined extensively by road-based fabric.
It is beneficial to compare the two case studies to enhance a comprehensive understanding of the impacts of urbanisation on water-based settlements either in an urban area or a suburban area of Bangkok which are undergoing this process at different stages. Both study areas have similar patterns of change. However, this process happened in Klong Bangkok Noi study area a half century earlier than Klong Om study area which has recently been involved in incipient urbanisation.
A comparison of the two case studies has revealed that in the initial phase of urbanisation, roads have created hybrids between water-based and road-based characteristics which are outstanding impacts of this process on the water-based settlement in BMR. Whereas these hybrid forms are just temporary and no longer exist at the more advanced phase of urbanisation. At this stage roads not only have converted people's water-based way of living to land-based dependence, but they have also contributed to certain problems. For instance, roads become market corridors for the informal sector resulting in an exploitation of alleys and sides of roads, and they have resulted in an exploitation of open spaces which dominated by automobiles. Consequently, water-based characteristics have become less obvious in BMA or another way to say this is that the greater the urbanisation, the less obvious are the water-based characteristics.
One might wonder whether the hybrid phenomenon, particularly in Klong Om study area, are distinct lasting or transient forms of urbanisation. Interestingly, a comparison of this study reveals that the unique ties between residents and canals are the most significant elements which not only make Klong Om settlement distinct from other terrestrial settlements, but also make its water-based characteristics survive against the rampant urbanisation in BMR. Evidence from this study suggests that to prolong the hybrid phenomenon means is a subtle way to sustain water-based uniqueness. Findings from comparison suggest that there are several ways to maintain the relationships between residents and canals. For example, to preserve water-based landscapes, especially to maintain waterfront pavilions, not only as a friendly space linking residents closely to canals, but also as the means by which they may carry on their aquatic ways of living and participate in water-based culture. Furthermore, to maintain the aquatic lifestyles of people, their water-based skills and wisdom, and their water-based traditions that should be passed down through next generations. Other options are to maintain canals including the quality of water and the improvement of the waterway transport system. Importantly, awareness of people about canals should be raised in order to protect water-based settlements and to sustain aquatic cultures in long term.
Conclusion and suggestions
This study suggests that roads have been involved through all stages of urbanisation. It is clear that roads are key forces which have undermined the unique characteristics of water-based settlements in several aspects. At the initial stage, the creation of hybridisation is a prominent impact of the urbanisation in the water-based settlements which can be through several ways. The hybrid forms of water-based and road-based ones are illustrations. Environmentally, the hybrid between farming and non-framing land uses, hybrid forms of domestic spaces between water-based and terrestrial housing styles; economically, the hybrid of water-based and land-based activities; and socio-culturally, the hybrid of water-based and land-based ways of living, and hybrid of aquatic and terrestrial cultures. However, evidence from the study reveals that these hybrid characteristics are just temporary and they have become less obvious and no longer exist at a more advanced stage of urbanisation.
Moreover, the finding from comparison suggests that unique ties between residents and canals are crucial elements which survive water-based uniqueness against less concerned urbanisation. Learning from disparities between traditional and urban fabrics, it is not necessary to say that the old should be kept old and the new should be kept new. But it has meant that how these hybrids compromise rather than conflict with each other. Therefore, learning about undesirable impacts on the water-based settlement at the more advanced stage of urbanisation in BMA has suggested how to deal with water-based settlements appropriately at initial stage of this process in this region under similar contexts. However, there are a few limitations of this study.
Firstly, the generalisation of findings is an unavoidable problem with such a qualitative approach. The fieldwork study was based on interviews, observations, and documentary information of the two case studies. The main body of evidence was collected from around 82 interviews, with 65 residents, 12 local leaders, and 5 local officers. This constitutes a fairly small sample: if different respondents had been selected, the findings would perhaps have been different. Undeniably, the interview methodology has its own limitations which are good at offering a snapshot of a respondents' thinking at a particular period of time.
Secondly, the salient changes and comparison were derived from the two case studies: one is located in the highly urbanised area in the inner area of Bangkok, and the other is undertaking incipient urbanisation in the outskirt areas of Bangkok. Therefore, if different water-based communities had been selected, the findings may be different. The results collected from both case studies can neither be taken as a comprehensive account of the impacts of urbanisation nor assert a definitive explanation which is universally applicable. It would help us to enhance a comprehensive understanding and to test the validity of the research's findings if multi-case studies are employed for further research.
Thirdly, the current study has only looked into the impacts of urbanisation on the traditional water-based settlements which were originally occupied by agricultural lands. It is quite possible that the contribution of this study might be applied to other water-based settlements under similar contexts. But it is unlikely to be applicable to water-based squatter settlements which have crowded along canals in Bangkok as a by-product of urbanisation. Therefore, it may be interesting if further research concentrates on this kind of settlement in order to look at the process of urbanisation from another perspective.
Finally, it is clear that urbanisation has undermined the water-based characteristics in both study areas, but at different times, and degrees. Owing to a lack of planning and without any appropriate protection, the unique water-based characteristics of Klong Om settlement may soon become like Klong Bangkok Noi study area. Therefore, further study may be helpful to explore how to deal with the unwanted impacts of urbanisation on water-based settlements in this region in order to sustain the remaining traditional water-based settlements which are vital parts of the national heritage in Thailand.
Reference
Cohen, B. (2004). "Urban growth in developing countries: A review of current trends and a caution regarding existing forecasts". World Development, 32 (1), pp.23-51.
Jumsai, S. (Ed. ) (1996). NAGA Cultural Origins in Siam and the West Pacific. (4th Printed) Bangkok: Chalermnit Press and DD Books.
McGee, T. G. (1995). Macrofitting the urban regions of ASEAN. In: T. G. McGee. & I. M. Robinson. (eds.) The Mega-Urban Regions of Southeast Asia, UBC.
Noparatnaraporn, C. (2003). Living Place and Landscape in Bangkok: the Merging Character. PhD. University of Melbourne.
Thadaniti, S. (2004). Sustainable development of water-based cities through multi-habitation: A case study of Bangkok Thailand. Endogenous Development for Sustainable Multi-Habitations in Asian Cities. Publication of Asian Institute of Technology and Toyo University.
UNFPA. (2007). "Unleashing the potential of urban growth". State of World Population 2007, New York: United Nations Population Fund.
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Figure 1: Locations of the two study areas
This figure presents the locations of the two study areas. Klong Bangkok Noi settlement is located in BMA while Klong Om Settlement is located in Nonthaburi as one of the five provinces in BMR.
 
Figure 2a and 2b: Waterfront characteristics of the study areas
Figure 2a (left) shows the waterfront of Klong Bangkok Noi which is dominated by the concrete embankment (photo by researcher).
Figure 2b (right) presents the waterfront characteristic of Klong Om which is still dominated by vernacular styles of waterfront pavilions (photo by researcher)
 
Figure 3a and 3b: Hybrid forms of travelling
Figure 3a (Left) shows mixed modes of transport: motorbike and canoes, used by locals which have become more obvious in Klong Om communities (photo by researcher).
Figure 3b (right) shows the same house owned by a farmer who converted part of his land into a parking shelter since his house has been connected to the road (photo by researcher).
 
Figure 4a and 4b: Hybrid forms of pavilions
Figure 4a (left) shows one of traditional pavilions located on Klong Om (photo by researcher).
Figure 4b (right) presents the new pavilion belonged to the same household, but it is located on the new road (photo by researcher).
 
Figure 5a and 5b: Canoe hawker and motorbike hawker
The figure 5a shows a floating noodle shop in canoe which I suggest is a traditional form of informal sector running along Klong Om (photo by researcher).
The figure 5b shows a mobile food shop on a motorbike running on the road which can be observed during my second stage of fieldwork (photo by researcher)
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