HYBRIDIZATION AS A NEW PARADIGM OF URBAN AND TERRITORIAL DEVELOPMENT:
A GLANCE OVER A NEWLY EU EMERGING CITY
Rositsa Todorova Ilieva
Arch. PhD Candidate
Politecnico di Milano, Department of Architecture and Planning
Abstract
The present paper aims to explore the urban hybridization phenomenon as an integral part of contemporary society growth dynamics and spatial organization. In particular, it will be examined its diffusion within newly emerging post-iron curtain European contexts, in order to grasp the ongoing dimension of the process and outline some of its main features. It is important to notice that the peculiarity of these specific environments is due, above all, to their rapid transformation producing the almost simultaneous formation of new urban asset patterns and development models.
A core part of the work will be constituted by the analysis of some of the typical diffused city hybrid forms, paying major attention to the progressively heterogeneous landscapes and ground-scapes juxtaposition, along with the increasing urban edges uncertainty. The latter's alteration and proliferation will be intended as a rather complex evolution process and, as a result, requiring a vaster and multilayer periphery cognition formulation. There will be treated, therefore, some of the contemporary spatial configurations generally identifiable as: new public open spaces and container-like attractors, market streets, new city gates and highway-scapes, new specialized areas, downtown and super-sites urban hybrids.
Furthermore, the study will take advantage of the comparison between newly emerging (with central attention to the Sofia City context) and already affirmed urban realities (as the Milan City context), so to put in evidence some of the common mechanisms and generative factors acting throughout the different social, political and territorial milieus.
Preface
The present study should be considered as a fragment of an ongoing research, still broadening its analysis horizons, and therefore definitely partial, but hopefully explicit enough for grasping the main features of the issues examined.
1-Urban edges hybrid textures: nature and evolution scenarios
Before exploring the urban edges hybridization phenomenon's concrete context implications it is necessary to point out some of the key general concepts that determine its nature and physical configuration. Undoubtedly, the 'urban edges' cognition is intrinsically bound to the 'periphery' one, but defining the latter, in the territory's complex contemporary condition, is not an easy task indeed. From a morphological perspective, the urban milieu could be represented as a 'history of forms and of their mutation in time, of their juxtaposition, intersection and contamination (...) a place where each form exercises a friction over another preventing, slowing down, or facilitating its mutation' (Secchi, 2008). Therefore is difficult, if not impossible, to imagine a homogeneous and unambiguous periphery space, and since 'there are many peripheries, many periphery conditions, each with its own character (...) In the contemporary city case it could be proper to talk about a mosaic or a collage of periphery textures' (Guidarini, 2003)'.
All these features, if analysed within post-communist urban contexts, appear even more seizable and vivid. The Sofia City case is not an exception. It could be observed (Fig.1) that, apart from the city core areas, the subsequent expansion stages' urban patterns result rather interweaved, hence the today urban edges are not a single-type ones but represent simultaneously the different city's growth models. And, as a matter of fact, the hybridization process among the latter is still intensely undergoing. In the 'edge' condition there are still present some of the huge communist quarters that apparently refuse any organization criteria of the nearby 'old' city, and as some scholars underline:
'What had the most pervasive effect on the structure of socialist cities was the absence of real estate markets. Densities and land allocation among different uses - mainly, industrial and residential - did not reflect demand for specific land use, but rather were based mostly on administrative decisions to minimize input, not maximize financial values.' (Bertraud, in Tsenkova 2006)
The negative outcomes of such planning approach are already well present in the every-day dynamics of the city's life. One of the most dramatic ones is the traffic congestion. It is interesting to notice that such phenomenon concerns, in a very similar way, also other post-communist realities. In this relation the Timisoara mayor's (G.Ciuhandu) statement gives a rather clear vision on the issue:
'unfortunately the chaotic spatial city developed over a period of a half century of communism has had negative consequences on traffic routes, mobility and on assuring an easy modal transfer' (Tadi, 2007). The difficulties in overcoming the problem are mainly due to the fact that 'the planning regulatory environment has been slow in moving away from rigid master plans toward more market friendly rules; lack of a clear policy concerning vehicle use, in particular the pricing of parking in central areas' (Bertraud, in Tsenkova 2006) .
On the other hand, this condition was further exacerbated by the 'building boom' verified immediately before the EU entering in 2007 (mainly due to the higher after-entering costs expected). In fact, as it was pointed out by the Urban Affairs and Planning professor Sonia Hirt: '...[urban sprawl] tends to negatively impact quality of life in metropolitan areas by increasing traffic congestion and air pollutionÑboth of which are already clearly visible in Sofia. Policies that mitigate these side effects can be instigated only after the nature of peri-urban growth in post-communist cities is well understood' (Hirts, 2007). From an air-view picture is very well visible how the mass-building activities fostered an accelerated 'dispersion' process, giving thus birth to a relatively new hybridization patterns. Many isolated and walled residential 'citadels' occurred randomly (following mainly the market land values) within the city's outskirts and the mountain-skirts quarters (Fig.2): 'most prevailing, yet shocking phenomena which I observed in the post-communist suburbsÑthe astounding proliferation of gated, walled-off and fortressed new singlefamily homes' (Hirts, 2007). These new types of urbanities, literally 'plugged-in' externally to the urban fabric, are where the 'relatively affluent households' decide to move in. The phenomenon follows the conceptual model of Western European cities with the difference that is being located within the un-built outskirts territories, and not in inner city areas, concerned with ambitious projects of former industrial sites urban redevelopment. Furthermore, it is quite curious to observe that a similar 'residential enclaves' trend is undergoing in some of the middle-eastern cities experiencing their 'post-colonialism' era . It is being observed the building of 'gated communities, private, high-rise condominiums with heavy security' (Habitat, 2001: 30), representing 'protected enclaves of the rich' and consisting of 'expensive apartments in favourable locations' (Marcuse and Kempen, 2000: 4).
However, it must be kept in mind that the Sofia City has only recently undertaken its subway infrastructure development, so considering the effects thoroughly described in literature (i.e. Hall, 1988) the great hybridization is still to come! Whether the causal assembling of heterogeneous urban elements will continue emphasizing the 'collage city' Sofia nature or not, represents the true challenge for its present and future decision-makers and planners. Their ability will be heavily tested in overcoming this collage condition which 'for all its physiological virtuosity (...) is wilfully interjected impediment to the strict route of evolution' (Rowe, Koetter, 1978: 143).
2-Public spaces hybridization: space-time-function condensation phenomenon
The 'public spaces hybridization' process in Sofia has undoubtedly started soon after the 1989 political regime changes. Among the first expression of the phenomenon is the National Palace of Culture (NPC) underground public passage (Fig.3). The case represents an in-between condition: on the upper square layer is situated the most important cultural activities building (NPC), while on the lower underground level (connecting the square with public transport means passing beneath), there is a rich functional mix of shopping bazaars strips (one of which towards an escalator goes even one more level beneath), and numerous other 'contemporary' functions as multiplex cinemas, internet cafes, virtual games centres, disco pubs etc.. Such multiple functions' concentration could be seen as a precursor of the later 'iper-technological caves' indeed, a kind of 'upper floor' alternative, contrasting the more formal urban form and culture established before. However it appears to be a well integrated hybrid, taking advantage of the available resources in place and completing the existing functions.
Almost in parallel some big monofunctional wholesale container-like markets started coming out in the periphery areas, some of which triggered a highway-scape conformation further on (see paragraph 3). These new 'urban objects' represent in a way the transition phase guiding to the 'super' shopping malls diffusion trend.
In post-1989 cities the welcoming of the new multifunctional and multi-storey containers, in other words - malls, represents a very recent phenomenon (Budapest - mid 1990s, Ljubljana - 1993, Bucuresti - 1999, Sofia - 2001 , 2007 - Fig.4). Compared to its western archetypes, however, especially in the Sofia City case, there are some differences to point out. A first and most important one - the location. In the Sofia case there are all situated very close to the urban core, and thus, being well served by public transport, do not require long car journeys (i.e. contrasting the Milan examples: Milanofiori, Bicocca Village etc.). In some cases they are even conceived as a neighbourhood redevelopment engines for their potential to attract many other service functions. Another crucial difference consists in the social involvement dynamics. The drawing factor in Sofia is not so much the cost- or time-saving convenience, but above all - the 'novelty' factor (see also paragraph 4). So the constant pilgrimage necessity is more likely to be inducted by the object itself rather than by practical life-style factors. Furthermore it could be observed that the insertion process of these 'hybrid machines' (Boeri, Lanzani and Marini, 1993: 50) is not the one of integration, rather the one of implantation throughout the 'street advertisement architecture' glorification .
But the next step is already there, malls are rapidly being surpassed by new whole-comprising commercial-office-residential districts of huge multi-national companies. And the future redevelopment of urban edges areas is already following a model fostering a diffused urban centralities layout, very similar to the one that could be seen throughout the Milan's southern-east areas near the Assago Forum (Fig.5).
These practices in the western cities experiences (i.e. in many Lombardy cities as Monza) are being accompanied by another urban process: the extreme commercialization of the historic city centres with the subsequent moving of the residential functions out. In Sofia the latter phenomenon does exist, but the cause is slightly different: the office buildings insertion throughout the hybridization of the existing residential ones (see Paragraph 4) thus operating a progressive tertiarization of the inner-city. Whatever the cause, the outcomes already perceived are clear: the traditional public spaces role of cultural and social incubators is being progressively and durably eroded, in favour of a more 'spectacular' and commercial one. As according to the R.Koolhaas thesis: public spaces=commercial spaces (Koolhaas et al., 2001). The identity issue is also put under mutational pressure: 'the meaning of a site - but also of our identity as citizens - is more and more the product of a sequence assembling of life and perceptional experiences' (Boeri, 1998).
So there is no doubt that public spaces are more and more being shaped following a 'flash perception' model, excluding 'the conscious choice, the thought, the quiet and contemplation'. In this terms, the A.Rossi's consideration (1966) regard the foro romano as 'urban fact of an extraordinary modernity' today appears extremely vivid and true: 'is the modern city, the man of the crowd, the otiose that participates at the mechanism without understanding it, belonging to it only in its image'.
3-Highway-scapes generation: from punctual to linear attractors
Highway-scapes generation is another distinguishing phenomenon of the post-communist emerging realities. In Sofia the greatest generator of it is the new city 'gate': the Sofia City Airport. It represents a powerful urban element that participates intensively in the urban spaces dissipation generating new tensions and accumulative processes along the main road arteries that bind it with the city: mono-functional containers aggregation along the connecting highway from city center to the airport could be well observed. The highway-scape, triggered by its enormous magnetic power, demonstrates the 'gates' importance for the contemporary globalized cities' interaction on the global scene and follows the models, already affirmed within the main European cities: gives birth to numerous logistics areas and car-based office districts (i.e. Sofia Business District, Sofia East Ring Logistic Park etc.) (Figg.6,7). Furthermore, the relevant investments poured in the new airport construction were the direct expression of the city's will to enter in the international competition where cities strive for becoming important hubs within the 'global network of super-communication' (Zanni, 2002).
The criteria for the 'design' of these new peculiar linear cities, are primarily based on the travellers' perceptions, and thus the intention to effectively immerge within the 'anthropical-geographic landscape that slides along the windows of travellers' (Zanni, 2006: 2). Hence similarly to all the basic functional elements that compose it (street signs, rescue areas etc.), architecture aims to be as much recognizable as possible, so to enter effectively in the long sequence of 'slides' observed. Big advertising posters, bizarre colours and forms, are the syntax of this new hybrid space, half high-speed street/half city. The model followed is very close to the one of some of the well-known Milan examples: Fulvio Testi Blvd., Nuova Vigevanese and the Paullese high-ways . It is clearly evident the intentional 'commercial vernacular' trend for the development of these pulsing 'linear attractors'.
4-Downtown urban hybrids: the novelty myth unveiled
This is a phenomenon that strongly concerns the post-communist emerging contexts. It basically consists in the chirurgical insertion of high-tech facades and buildings organisms into an early XX century traditional facades enfilade (Fig.8). Hybrids are in this occasion signs of the progressive tertiary take-over throughout the city central areas: demolishing and rebuilding practices are always in favour of office buildings - old residential ones are thus disappearing. It is quite obvious that the local administration is unanimously part of the process, but a question that may occur is 'why'. Here it would be suitable to introduce the 'novelty myth' concept, already mentioned above. The novelty (equal to different from past, equal to coming from western cultures) character of the new glass-buildings is making of them symbols of the new capitalist political era success over the old communist one and thus widely accepted if not even encouraged. Thus, being anchored on a political ground, the values and reasons for promoting them are stronger than harmony and local context design criteria (imposition approach ironically very similar to the communist urbanism attitude).
Another (still evolving) aspect of the hybridization phenomenon is the high-tech metamorphosis of preexisting buildings, operated through additions, amplifications and juxtapositions. Two very emblematic cases are represented by the projects for the enlargement of the National Art Academy of Sofia and the Varoshaza Forum of Budapest (Fig.9).
It is interesting to notice that to these practices (especially in the case of Sofia) could be found effective analogies with some Middle Eastern Cities recent development trends, sprung under the globalization pressure (i.e. the emerging global city of Dubai). In a similar way 'strategies at the urban and architectural level, were developed (...) to wipe out the past and join the 'civilized' West' and 'soaring glass towers, glitzy shopping malls, and various events are looked as a 'true' sign of progress and modernization'(Elsheshtawy, 2004).
Another, more (geographically and historically) closer analogy could be found with post-war Berlin planning initiatives, concentrated within both sides of the wall on 'reinvention of the German 'national character'' (Castillo, 2001: 182). So well-nigh spontaneous question emerges: are we now assisting on an authentic 'reinvention of the national character' in a post-iron curtain era? For sure we assist on an intense process of 'cultural globalization and hybridity' indeed.
5-Urban redevelopment through super-sites: archi-stars wanted
The 'super-sites' (it. superluoghi) are here intended, according to the P.Panza definition, as 'new urbanities grown up around fairs and commercial centres (...) that develop, like in the Medieval time, around trade places and sites' (Panza, 2009). Images of their future or ongoing realizations are already circulating all over the global net. For Sofia the occasion to start up a similar project was the necessity of a Secondary Administrative City Centre. The intentions for very wide-scale, high-tech and spectacular intervention required (and imagined) undoubtedly the investment in an exclusive archi-star competition. Despite (or as) the expectations, the majority of the outcomes (Fig.10) seem more like abstract imaginary exercises than concrete urban development strategies. The firm municipality intent to realize the winner's proposal is surely to be intended as core part of the 'efforts (...) made to respond to the global economy and to recreate a city through a 'tourist gaze' (Elsheshtawy, 2004: 172), making thus the metropolitan experience 'intricately involved in the global circulation of images' (Oncu and Weyland, 1997: 11). It should be underlined that the importance of the image, the flash sensation, the 'eye-catching' impression, in the strategizing for the contemporary cities future is intrinsically bound to a fundamental shift in the cities role itself:
'...cities are assuming powerful role, and as a result of such processes they are increasingly being viewed as a product that needs to be marketed. These marketing efforts involve attracting headquarters or regional branches of international companies, and staging of mega-events (...), luxury housing, dining establishments and entertainment amenities to attract the professional personnel required to operate these global activities' (Elsheshtawy, 2004: 7)
Nevertheless, this new policy and planning culture searching for the 'Bilbao effect' imply inevitably important social impacts, that sometimes prove to be very negative indeed. Therefore it should be kept in mind that the international experience has already proved that 'these mega projects do not necessarily lead to the happiness of the cities' residents since they are geared to a certain class' . On the other hand, 'the problem is that in this sites there being created indistinct transit socializations and that there is no debate for figuring out how to integrate these urbanities with 'old' territories and cities' . This spatial and socio-cultural interface critical interweaving is for sure one of the most challenging tasks for the city's future, since the solution formula is still unknown (even internationally speaking).
Conclusions
There is no doubt that, to overcome the above mentioned problem, a first step should be contrasting the 'lack of close knowledge of the different actors and social groups behaviours and of their reasons' involved in the whole urban evolution process (Secchi, 2008). But still, there are some doubts, regard the political and technical forces inclination to seriously introduce the issue in their agendas.
For sure, for the cities (particularly the post-1989, and some middle-eastern ones) recently entered in the progressively globalized international networks context 'urbanism will continue to be an arena where one can observe the specificity of local cultures and their attempt to mediate global domination' (AlSayyad, 2001). Therefore a great attention should be focused on broadening the urban knowledge and discipline horizons, and on overcoming the institutional reluctance throughout facing the negative externalities since from the very beginning of the designing/planning/policies process. Gaining in this way, above all, a higher awareness of the fact that 'the different urban forms that came upon in time, trailing and hindering one to another, have always been the outcome of a project; of social and political project became dominant because of its ability to interpret and let space to the society's most advanced frontier of its time (É) What misses [now] is exactly this' (Secchi, 2008). Project, intended also as an overall strategy necessary for avoiding the 'individual, incremental, and second-rate projects to be developed' and for encouraging 'more ambitious projects from emerging' (Balducci, 2001).
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01
The Sofia City hybrid urban edges:
1-[city core] dark red,
2-[pre-communist expansion] lighter dark red,
3-[communist expansion] pale red,
4-[mountain skirts quarters (once separate towns)] beige,
5-[post-1989 residential 'citadels'] yellow,
6-[industry texture] pale blue,
7-[airport] pale violet.
02
The new post-1989 residential 'citadels'.
Clearly visible the enclave introverted character of the settlements.
03
The underground square of the National Palace of Culture Square.
The red arrows show the stairs leading to the lower level. Circled a 'cavedium' opening of the underground square.
04
The new shopping malls.
Top-left - the Central Universal Store (1957) converted in modern shopping centre in 2001; top-right: the first newly built shopping mall (2007); down-right: the second shopping mall, down-left: the third, (currently under construction) expected to be the biggest one, mall
05
The new commercial-office-residential districts.
Top: Milan, Milanofiori; down: Sofia, Carrefour district (under construction), estimated the 'biggest transaction in Bulgaria's real estate sector' (200mln euro).
06
The Sofia Business District.
The road on the right brings straight to the airport.
07
The Sofia East Ring Logistic Park.
08
Examples of the 'downtown hybridization' phenomenon.
Well visible the insertion of the high-tech facades in the preexisting residential enfilade.
09
The public buildings hybridization projects.
Top: the National Art Academy of Sofia. Down: Varoshaza Forum of Budapest.
10
The super-site's visions for the Secondary Administrative City Centre of Sofia.
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